Mr. Nixon has now spoken -- in his radio address last night-- on the important and complex problems of our national security.

Similar documents
MATCHING: Match the term with its description.

Essential Question: What caused an Arms Race to develop between the US and USSR? How did space exploration factor into the Arms Race?

During the Cold War, the USA & USSR were rival superpowers who competed to spread their ideology

When/why was the word teenager invented? a) Have teenagers changed all that much since the word was made? Why or why not?

Ch 27-1 Kennedy and the Cold War

-30- From the Office of Citizens for Humphrey Committee Hennepin Avenue For Release: Minneapolis, Minnesota Federal

Reducing the waste in nuclear weapons modernization

1 Nuclear Weapons. Chapter 1 Issues in the International Community. Part I Security Environment Surrounding Japan

The Logic of American Nuclear Strategy: Why Strategic Superiority Matters

Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT) I and II

Chapter 2: The Nuclear Age

SALT I TEXT. The United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, hereinafter referred to as the Parties,

HOMELAND SECURITY PRESIDENTIAL DIRECTIVE-4. Subject: National Strategy to Combat Weapons of Mass Destruction

Issue Briefs. Nuclear Weapons: Less Is More. Nuclear Weapons: Less Is More Published on Arms Control Association (

DBQ 13: Start of the Cold War

COMMUNICATION OF 14 MARCH 2000 RECEIVED FROM THE PERMANENT MISSION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA TO THE INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AGENCY

DBQ 20: THE COLD WAR BEGINS

Document-Based Question: In what ways did President Reagan successfully achieve nuclear arms reduction?

GROUP 1: The President s Daily Bulletin Nuclear Arms Race

Remarks by President Bill Clinton On National Missile Defense

Foreign Policy and Homeland Security

Eisenhower, McCarthyism, and the Cold War

Arms Control Today. Arms Control and the 1980 Election

The New Frontier and the Great Society

Challenges of a New Capability-Based Defense Strategy: Transforming US Strategic Forces. J.D. Crouch II March 5, 2003

TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND THE UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS ON THE LIMITATION OF ANTI-BALLISTIC MISSILE SYSTEMS

Policies of Richard Nixon to 1974

CRS Report for Con. The Bush Administration's Proposal For ICBM Modernization, SDI, and the B-2 Bomber

Lesson 1: Air Force Beginnings Through the Korean War

Also this week, we celebrate the signing of the New START Treaty, which was ratified and entered into force in 2011.

DETENTE Détente: an ending of unfriendly or hostile relations between countries. How? Use flexible approaches when dealing with communist countries

Entering the New Frontier

A Global History of the Nuclear Arms Race

CWA 2.5 The President s Daily Bulletin (Nuclear Arms Race) Timeline

Montessori Model United Nations. First Committee Disarmament and International Security

Containment. Brinkmanship. Detente. Glasnost. Revolution. Event Year Policy HoW/Why? Name

SOVIET STRATEGIC FORCE DEVELOPMENTS

Postwar America ( ) Lesson 3 The Cold War Intensifies

AIM: Explain the Korean War. Who/what/where/when/why

Summary: FY 2019 Defense Appropriations Bill Conference Report (H.R. 6157)

NATO's Nuclear Forces in the New Security Environment

A New World. The Cold War - Part 2

Terms. Administration Outlook. The Setting Massive Retaliation ( ) Eisenhower State of the Union Address (2/53)

How did the way Truman handled the Korean War affect the powers of the presidency? What were some of the long-term effects of the Korean war?

mm*. «Stag GAO BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE Information on Theater High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) and Other Theater Missile Defense Systems 1150%

the atom against another. To do so now is a political decision of the highest order.

Making the World Safer: reducing the threat of weapons of mass destruction

TEKS 8C: Calculate percent composition and empirical and molecular formulas. Cold War Tensions

Time Teacher Students

The Cuban Missile Crisis was a confrontation during the Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States regarding the deployment of nuclear

Name Class Date. Postwar America Section 1

US-Russian Nuclear Disarmament: Current Record and Possible Further Steps 1. Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov

Chapter 11 DIVERSITY OF U.S. STRATEGIC FORCES

Why Japan Should Support No First Use

Setting Priorities for Nuclear Modernization. By Lawrence J. Korb and Adam Mount February

Guided Notes. Chapter 21; the Cold War Begins. Section 1:

John Fitzgerald Kennedy: Foreign Policy. A Strategic Power Point Presentation Brought to You by Mr. Raffel

Future Russian Strategic Challenges Mark B.Schneider

Nuclear Forces: Restore the Primacy of Deterrence

NUCLEAR ARMS CONTROL: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN Steven Pifer Senior Fellow Director, Arms Control Initiative October 10, 2012

EXPERT EVIDENCE REPORT

By Helen and Mark Warner. Teaching Packs - World War II - Page 1

FINAL DECISION ON MC 48/2. A Report by the Military Committee MEASURES TO IMPLEMENT THE STRATEGIC CONCEPT

Cuban Missile Crisis 13 Days that Changed the almost changed World

UNIDIR RESOURCES IDEAS FOR PEACE AND SECURITY. Practical Steps towards Transparency of Nuclear Arsenals January Introduction

US Nuclear Policy: A Mixed Message

OPNAVINST G N514 8 Jan Subj: RELEASE OF INFORMATION ON NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND ON NUCLEAR CAPABILITIES OF U.S. NAVY FORCES

ABM Treaty and Related Documents

The best days in this job are when I have the privilege of visiting our Soldiers, Sailors, Airmen,

Differences Between House and Senate FY 2019 NDAA on Major Nuclear Provisions

On the Brink of Nuclear War: Projectile Motion and the Cuban Missile Crisis

TEKS 8C: Calculate percent composition and empirical and molecular formulas. Kennedy s Foreign Policy

Fact Sheet: North Korea Missile Activity in 2017

NATIONAL SENIOR CERTIFICATE EXAMINATION NOVEMBER 2017 HISTORY: PAPER II SOURCE MATERIAL BOOKLET FOR SECTION B AND SECTION C

US History. Kennedy and Foreign Policy. The Big Idea. Main Ideas

Policy Responses to Nuclear Threats: Nuclear Posturing After the Cold War

Entering the New Frontier

provocation of North Korea

Chapter 17: Foreign Policy and National Defense Section 3

MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question.

A/55/116. General Assembly. United Nations. General and complete disarmament: Missiles. Contents. Report of the Secretary-General

1

Mr. President, You ve been briefed about the presence of Soviet medium-range missiles in Cuba.

Defense Support Program Celebrating 40 Years of Service

Report on the Arms Buildup in Cuba, 1962 October 22, Good evening my fellow citizens:

STATEMENT OF DR. STEPHEN YOUNGER DIRECTOR, DEFENSE THREAT REDUCTION AGENCY BEFORE THE SENATE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE

The Cuban Missile Crisis

International Nonproliferation Regimes after the Cold War

1945 onwards. A war with no fighting or direct conflict. USSR v USA Communism v Capitalism East v West

An Interview with Gen John E. Hyten

Ch 25-4 The Korean War

Ballistic Missile Defense: Historical Overview

SSUSH20 The student will analyze the domestic and international impact of the Cold War on the United States.

International Affairs

Chapter 4 The Iranian Threat

ASSIGNMENT An element that enables a seadependent nation to project its political, economic, and military strengths seaward is known as 1-5.

Tactical nuclear weapons 'are an anachronism'

June 3, 1961: Khrushchev and Kennedy have a contentious meeting in Vienna, Austria, over the Berlin ultimatum.

StratCom in Context: The Hidden Architecture of U.S. Militarism

9. Guidance to the NATO Military Authorities from the Defence Planning Committee 1967

Transcription:

. STATEMENT VICE PRES I DENT HUBERT H. HUMPHREY ON MR. NIXON' SECURITY STATEMENT OCTOBER 24, 1968.., Mr. Nixon has now spoken -- in his radio address last night-- on the important and complex problems of our national security. He has spoken in terms that have been used by no major statesman in this country of either party -- if we except General Curtis E. LeMay. Mr. Nixon has accused the Kenn edy and Johnson Administrations of permitting a "security gap" that could become a "survival gap." There is no "s ecu r~ty gap." There will be no "survival gap" - unless we follow Mr. Nixon's advice. Mr. Nixon's statement is among his most irresponsible to data It does not reflect a concern for our national security, but only for votes.

-2- More is involved here than a Presidential election. In an effort to catch votes, he is playing politics with our national ;. ~.. security undermining the confide~ce of our allies. enc~uraging recklessness among our enemies and undermining our long and patient efforts to bring a rational end to the madness of the strategic arms race. Just as he has throughout this campaign, he is advocating an increasing milita rization of American life and American foreign policy. Just as he did in 1952, he is playing a numbers game -- but this time with our national security. And as usual his numbers are wrong. Let me give you the facts: Charge: Mr. Nixon has charged that "eight years ago, our numerical advantage over the Soviets in bombers was 30%. Now the Soviets are 50% ah ead of us." Fact: Today we have over 500 heavy strategic bombers and over 600 tankers: the USSR has only about 150 heavy bombers and 50 heavy

.. -3-, dual tanker-oomber aircraft Our oombers have over six times the payload capability of the Soviet force.. Charge: "Eight years ago, in nuclear submarines, we had a. ' 500 percent advantage. Already, it is down fnur-fifths.." fdct: Today we have 75 nuclear submarines, compared with only. ~ 18 in 1961. The USSR has only 57 nuclear submarines, compared with 12 in 1961. Thus a 150% U.S. superiority (not 500%) is still 130%. Charge: "Eight years ago, we had a decisive lead in tactical aircraft Now the Soviets are a~ead not only in numb~rs but also in quality." Fact: The U.S. today has over 7, 000 tactical aircraft; the USSR has only about 5, 400. Our aircraft has over 265% as much payload capability as the Soviet force today~ a marked improvement over the 140% advantage we held in 1961. Charge: "Recently we lea rned they (the Soviets) are perfecting ballistic missile multiple warheads far more powerful than our own."

- ' -4- Fact: The Soviets are at least two years behind us in simple multiple Vtt'Clrheads and these have already been made ob~olete by our. technology. Charge: "The Sovie's have vigorously advanced their military effort as we put ours in second gear. They have raised the quantity, and quality of their ballistic missiles, and the USSR is approaching parity' in nuclear weapons. n At the present time-- and for the indefinite future-- the United States possesses enough nuclear destructive power, based securely underground and in submarines at sea --to obliterate any aggressor J nation or nations. \Ve are the strongest nation on earth. Today, we have three times as many strategic nuclear weapons in our strategic alert forte,as we had at the end of the last Republican II i 1 1 ' -l l ; - l l administration, including a 1500% increase in numbers of ballistic missil es -- -- 1000 Minutemen ICBM's as opposed to 28, then:..,. -- 41 Polaris submarines with 656 missiles, now, as opposed to 3 submarines with 481ess powerful missiles, th en.

. -. -5- - :s.:. )'... ~_:. ~ ~ These are the facts, and Mr. Nixon's charges are simply not. ', true.. Mr. Nixon also doesn't understand some other facts of our nuclear age. And the thre~ central facts --grim facts are th~ese:..,., ' --First,,whatever the Russians do, now or in th~ future, they will never be able to attack us without being destroyed -- as a society-- in return. Y..Je have maintained and we shall continue to maintain a balanced and stable nucl ear deterrent capable of responding successfully ' - to any nuclear strike...o / ' ':.> --Second, nothing we can do... even building a costly missile defense system --would ever enable us to attack the Soviet Union without being destroyed in return. --And third, we know that every missi le. every nucl ear. warhead we build that we do not need... makes it more difficult to stop the arms race... and b'rings us closer to the day when we will be unable to stop the plunge to nucl ear wa r.. -- - -.

. r... -6- For 20 years, we have lived with a nuclear balance of terror. It remains our central problem. Maintaining that stable balance is. the first task of any American President. - ' But Mr. Nixon has shown no awareness of this fact Instead of encouraging ~fforts to slow down the strategic arms race, he would. accelerate it... thereby risking a war of mutual suicide. ' An additional fact: without jeopardizing our security in the least, the United States has tried to work for a control of the arms race, and to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons around the world. This effort has had the strong support of Republicans and Democrats, of generals and civilians, and it is acknowledged by all who have examined th,e problem to be 9ur best long-range hope for peace. Controlling the arms race is a difficult task, re~uiring great patience and understanding. ~ Mr. Nixon has always totally lacked this understanding.

. ' - t -7-, A few years ago he attacked the treaty to prevent the testing. of nuclear weapons in the ~ir, calling it a "cruel hoax" and "catastrophic. nonsense." It was not I worked with John F. Kenn.edy to get that.. ~ ' treaty. And today, the \vorld is a safer place. Our negotiators have worked long and patiently for a treaty to stop the spread of nuclear weapons around the world to prevent them from falling into the hands of the Nassers of the world. this month. stood silent I have urged the Senate of the United States to ratify that treaty A sing I e word from Mr. Nixon \vo uld have ratified it But he Now, by his statemen.t last night, Mr. Nixon has thr eatened to bring down the whole fragile architecture of peace.. of retreat from the in sanity of the arms race... that has been so carefully e constructed by the Administrations of Pres! dents Eisenhower, Kennedy and Joh nson.. '.

.. ~.:.. -~ _- -- --- ' -, -8- Finally, Mr. Nixon has advocated giving military commanders more influence over Amerkan foreign policy: I \VO_uld remind him that every American tradition, every tradition of free men, maintains the ultimate responsibility of a civilian President, responsible to the people, for the conduct of our foreign policy and the protection of our national security. -state., America must not, it cannot, and it will not, become a military Mr. Nixon would also destroy patient efforts to reduce the influence of what President Eisenhower call ed the "military-industrial" complex. President Eisenhower was right in warn ing aga inst this danger. ' Mr. Nixon is wrong in encouraging it ( I call upon Mr. Nixon to v1ithdraw his ill-considered chargefj. '. I call upon him to consult with those men, Republicans ~rid Democrats,

('. -9- military and civilian, who understand the hard demands of our security, our survival, artd. the pursuit of peace He should school himself in.the hard facts without which no,.. ' man should present himself as a candidate for the awesome responsi- bilities of President of the United States., America does not need more arms for their own sake. It needs leadership that can match the size of our defense establishment to the demands of our foreign policy and of our national security. There can be no compromise with that security.. but neither can there be a needless and a mortally dangerous escalation of the arms race. I I....

#30 FOR RELEASE: FRIDAY PM'S October 25, 1968 STATEMENT OF VICE PRESIDENT HUMPHREY ON MR. NIXON'S SECURITY STATEMENT October ~ 1968 Mr. Nixon has now spoken -- in his radio address last night -- on the important and complex problems of our national security. He has spoken in terms that have been used by no major statesman in this country of either party--if we except General Curtis E. LeMay. Mr. Nixon has accused the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations of permitting a "security gap 11 that could become a ''survival gap. 1 ' There is no '',Security gap". There will be no "survival gap'' '-- unless we follow Mr. Nixon's advice. Mr. Nixon's statement is among his most irresponsible to date. It does not reflect a concern for our national security, but only for votes. More is involved here than a Presidential election. In au t::rtur t to catch votes, he is playing politics with our national security. undermining the confidence of our allies. encouraging recklessness among our enemies. :;tnd wu.lt::nnining our long and patient efforts to bring a rational end to the madness of the strategic arms race. Just as he has throughout this campaign, he is advocating an increasing militarization of American life and American foreign policy. Just as he did in 1952, he is playing a numbers game -- but this time with our national security. And as usual his numbers are wrong. Let me give you the facts: Charge: Mr. Nixon has charged that 'eight years ago, our numerical advantage over the Soviets in bombers was 30%. Now... the Soviets are 50% ahead of us. '' Fact: Today we have over 500 heavy strategic bombers and over 600 tanker:!); the USSR has only about 150 heavy bombers and 50 heavy dual tanker-blll'n.ner aircraft. Our bombers have over six times the payload capability of the Soviet force.

- 2 - Charge: "eight years ago, in nuclear submarines, we had a 500 percent advantage. Already, it is down four-fifths. " Fact: Today we have 75 nuclear submarines, compared with only 18 in 1961. The USSR has only 57 nuclear submarines, compared with 12 in 1961. Thus a 150% U. S. superiority (not 500~ is still 130%. Charge:..'Eight years ago, we had a decisive lead in tactical aircraft. Now the Soviets are ahead not only in numbers but also in quality''. Fact: The U. S. today has over 7, 000 tactical aircraft; the USSR has only about 5, 400;; 0ur aircraft has over 265% as much payload capability as the Soviet force today, a marked improvement over the 140% advantage we held.. in 1961. Charge: "Recently we learned they (the Soviets) are perfecting ballistic missile multiple warheads far more powerful than our own. '' Fact: The Soviets are at least two years behind us in simple multiple warheads and these have already been made obsolete by our technology. Charge: ''The Soviets have vigorously advanced their military effort as we put ours in second gear. They have raised the au anti tv ~nd qaaltty of th. their halli~hc n11~siles, and the USSR is approaching 'parity' in nuclear.<..r. weapons.'' At the present time --and for the indefinite future --the United states possesses enough nuclear destructive power, based securely underground and in submarines at sea -- to obliterate any aggressor nation or nations. We are the strongest nation on earth. Today, we have three times as many strategic nuclear weapons in our strategic alert force as we had at the end of the last Republican administration, including a 1500% increase in numbers of ballistic missiles -- -- 1000 Minutemen ICBM's as opposed to 28, then; -- 41 Polaris submarines with 656 missiles, now. as opposed to 3 submarines with 48 less powerful missiles, then. These are the facts, and Mr. Nixon's charges are simply not true.

- 3 - Mr. Nixon also doesn't understand some other facts of our nuclear age. And the three central facts -- grim facts are these: -- First, whatever the Russians do, now or in the future, they will never be able to attack us without being destroyed-- as a society --in return. we have maintained and we shall continue to maintain a balanced and stable nuclear deterrent capable of responding successfully to any nuclear strike. -- Second, nothing we can do even building a costly missile defense system --would ever enable us to attack the Soviet Union without being.,.;;~ ~,, destroyed in return. -- And third, we know that every missile every nuclear warhead we build that we do not need. makes it more difficult to stop the arms race. and brings us closer to the day when we will be unable to stop the plunge to nuclear war. For 20 years, we have lived with a nuclear balance of terror. n.n:~ th a i n.s ouj. c entral pt oblem. Maintaining that stable balance is the first task of any American President. But Mr. Nixon has shown no awareness of this fact. Instead of encouraging efforts to slow down the strategic arms race, he would accelerate it. thereby risking a war of mutual suicide. An additional fact: without jeopardizing our security in the least, the United States has tried to work for a control of the arms race, and to prevent the Spr.,~ r:j nuclear weapons around the world. This effort hae had the st.ronr; "support of Republicans and Democrats, of generals and civilians, and it is acknowledged by all who have examined the problem to be our best lang-range hope for peace. Controlling the arms race is a difficult task, requiring great patience and understanding. Mr. Nixon has always totally lacked this understanding. A few years ago he attacked the treaty to prevent the testing of nuclear eapons in the air, calling it a ''cruel hoax'' and ''catastrophic nonsense." t was not. I worked with John F. Kennedy to get that treaty. And today, the 10 r ld is a safer place.

- 4 - Our negotiators have worked long and patiently for a treaty to stop the spread of nuclear weapons around the world to prevent them from falling into the hands of the Nassers of the world. month. I have urged the Senate of the United States to ratify that treaty this A single word from Mr. Nixon would have ratified it. But he stood silent. Now, by his statement last night, Mr. Nixon ha~ threatened to bring down -+{... JL~+ ~~ the whole fragile architecture of peace of retfeat fpem the insanity of the 1\,... arms race. that has been so carefully constructed by the Administrations of Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson. Finally, Mr. Nixon has advocated giving military commanders more influence over American foreign policy. I would remind him that every American tradition, every tradition of free me n~ maintains the ultimate responsibility of a civilian President, responsible to the people, for the conduct of our foreign policy and the protection of o ur national security. America must not, it cannot, and it will not, become a military state Mr. Nixon would also destroy patient efforts to reduce the influence of what President Eisenhower called the "military-industrial" complex. President Eisenhower was right in warning against this danger. Mr. Nixon is wrong in encouraging it. I call upon Mr. Nixon to withdraw his ill-considered charges. I call upon him to consult with those men, Republicans and Democrats, military and civilian, who understand the hard demands of our security, our survival, and the pursuit of peace. He should school himself in the hard facts without which no man should present himself as a candidate for the awesome responsibilities of President of the United States. America does not need more arms for their own sake. It needs leadership that can match the size of our defense establishment to the de~ands of our foreign policy and of our national security. There can be no compromise with that security. but neither can there be a needless and a mortally dangerous escalation of the arms race. #####

Minnesota Historical Society Copyright in this digital version belongs to the Minnesota Historical Society and its content may not be copied without the copyright holder's express written permission. Users may print, download, link to, or email content, however, for individual use. To req uest permission for commercial or ed ucational use, please contact the Minnesota Historical Society. 1 ~ W'W'W.mnhs.org