2. Describe the impact of U.S. presidential decrees and doctrines on military policy.
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1 UNIT IV STUDY GUIDE The Price of Success: Superpowers and a Cold War Course Learning Outcomes for Unit IV Upon completion of this unit, students should be able to: 2. Describe the impact of U.S. presidential decrees and doctrines on military policy. 3. Summarize the impact of technological advances pertaining to modern warfare on the role of the U.S. military. Reading Assignment Chapter 15: Cold War and Hot War: The United States Enters the Age of Nuclear Deterrence and Collective Security, Chapter 16: Waging Cold War: American Defense Policy for Extended Deterrence and Containment, Unit Lesson The United States and the Soviet Union emerged from the Second World War with the most experienced and capable military establishments in human history. Each had a vision of the postwar world, and each factored military might into their plans to impose that vision. Unfortunately, that is where the similarities end. The results of this impasse are referred to as the Cold War. Both the United States and the USSR held strong ideological beliefs: so-called democratic capitalism on one side of the equation and so-called communist totalitarianism on the other. So-called because neither was quite as simple as these labels imply. Yet, it was ideology that forced the wartime allies apart in the summer of 1945 and kept their relationship on a dangerous edge for more than forty years. It was the military, especially the atomic technology developed for military use in the early postwar years, not ideology, that came to shape this new Cold War world. The world would, informally at first and then quite formally, be divided between the two powers. Economies would be shaped and subsumed and informal empires established. Propaganda was broadcast and distributed to shape, threaten, and maintain this order. Militaries deployed globally, but no shots were fired directly at each other. It was the start of a Cold War: a war of ideas, threats and bluster, fear, and a war in which the militaries grew exponentially in their size, scope, and responsibilities in the hopes that they would never need to be used. The United States and the USSR were, in different ways, superpowers, though the U.S. had the distinct advantage of possessing the world s only major economy that had not been physically accosted by war. The Soviets worked hard to rebuild their industrial base by physically moving industries from occupied eastern Europe back to Russia. Early on, the Americans alone had the Bomb. The Soviets worked hard to even that ledger. When they did, in 1949, the Americans upped the ante by developing nuclear weaponry. The Russians were committed to do the same. Soon, the world was under the weight of more than 60,000 nuclear bombs, deliverable by plane, ship, submarine, and intercontinental ballistic missile. Yes, the Cold War put humanity on the brink of nonexistence. HY 2020, American Military History II 1
2 One early effort in 1949 to ward off the disaster a bipolar world would inevitably UNIT bring, x STUDY was the GUIDE establishment of a collective security pact. This was a pact between the United States, Canada, Title and several Western European nations in the form of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). This purely military body pledged full security to all its members in the face of potential Soviet incursion. The Soviets responded with the creation of the Warsaw Pact, a nonvoluntary military alliance between eastern occupied nations and the USSR. Even earlier, with a clash between behemoths a distinct possibility, the United Nations (UN) was established just six weeks after Germany s surrender. A body composed of 46 nations, it was designed as an instrument of global collective security, with permanent leadership positions designated for the Soviets and the Americans. Each had a firm veto over all UN affairs to keep both sides at the table, but this noble idea did not fare well in the environment of the late 1940s with two superpowers vying for safety and security from the other. The United States, spurred on as much by fear of depression as by the Soviet presence in Eastern Europe, looked to influence Western Europe to keep Soviet communism from creeping in. When the Truman Doctrine stated that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures, it did not mention the Soviet Union or communism (Truman, 1947, para. 34). But the implication was clear. This statement was followed closely by Congressional approval of the Marshall Plan, which provided more than $13 billion of reconstruction aid for Western Europe. The Cold War was becoming institutionalized. The Soviets did much the same as the Americans though in more heavy-handed fashion in their military occupied the areas of Eastern Europe. Financial planning, if not direct aid, was used for military buildup, nuclear weapons research, propaganda, and to fix elections. This tool was used locally, nationally, and internationally during the Cold War. The Soviets, and the nations behind their military cordon which British Prime Minister Churchill christened the Iron Curtain denounced the Truman Doctrine and refused to accept the offer of Marshall Plan funds, viewing it as a foot of American influence in their door, which it would have been. In other words, they fought to defend their principles from capitalist incursions. (The Truman Doctrine and Marshall Plan speeches, and the response by Soviet ambassador Andrei Vyshinsky at the UN are all available in the Suggested Readings.) The United States, feeling the pressure of the early Cold War, came to believe it needed more information, better coordination, and a revamped military structure to maintain its security. Some of the petty squabbles regarding missions and responsibilities between military branches during the war had been embarrassing, to say the least, and no such discord could be tolerated now when the world was at stake. Information was the key component in providing a new unified military its best chance at success. Thus, the National Security Act was passed in 1947 (in the Suggested Readings). This established the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to serve as the eyes and ears of the executive branch overseas to aid in planning, propaganda, and subterfuge. The CIA would report directly to the National Security Council and its chair, the National Security Advisor, who would report directly to the President in his first meeting of the day, every day. The President, based on this information and recommendations received, would advise the new Defense Department, which replaced the more bellicose-sounding Department of War. The Defense Department (DoD), consumed all branches of the military air, sea, and ground to eliminate competition for budgets and influence and replaced their Cabinet-level advisory posts with a single, civilian officer, the Secretary of Defense. Work continued on the wartime building that would house the new military leadership, known as the Pentagon for its five-sided geography. The Cold War now had a permanent street address. The Soviets closed the atomic gap in the summer of 1949, ending the American monopoly. The Americans, shocked and dismayed (the CIA had reported the day before the test that the Soviets were at least four, and perhaps as many as twenty, years away from a successful atomic bomb test), were nevertheless organizationally prepared to respond. Work on nuclear weaponry, the so-called H (for hydrogen)-bomb, continued. In light of this and other developments, the new National Security Council was instructed to provide a working paper that would outline the present crises and provide possible policy actions to counteract potential Russian advances. They used a pair of documents by George Kennan, an American diplomat in Moscow, as their foundation. These were his Long Telegram, and a still longer elucidation published in Foreign Affairs entitled The Sources of Soviet Conduct (Each of these is available in the Suggested readings list.). This paper, HY 2020, American Military History II 2
3 delivered in April of 1950, entitled NSC-68, called for a nuclear arsenal to be UNIT built as x STUDY a deterrent GUIDE to Soviet advance, a greater budget to be allocated for information gathering (since the Title CIA apparently missed the signs of an atomic program in Russia), a strong propaganda campaign domestically to sell the Cold War to the public, and a great buildup of conventional military forces to be extended globally. All of this would be costly. When the clash that seemed so inevitable indirectly occurred two months later, and the North Korean People's Army crossed the 38th parallel into South Korea, NSC-68 was immediately adopted. The world was too dangerous and unpredictable not to be wholly prepared. In order to protect the West s sphere of influence in Korea and serve as an example that the United States was serious about containing communism, the U.S. and the UN intervened. The U.S. military fought well in Korea despite a lack of understanding of the mission by the military or the public NSC-68 called for containment of enemy forces based on Kennan s interpretations, rather than unconditional surrender, which had been the very satisfying mission of the world war. When General MacArthur ignored this policy and presidential order, and the Chinese entered the war directly as a result of his hubris, President Truman quickly replaced the world war hero. The war moved into a stalemate scenario, dictated by containment policy. A cease-fire was reached in the summer of 1953, and victory was declared by all sides. The proverbial genie had been kept in the bottle; wars of conquest and total victory became a thing of the past. The new president, Dwight Eisenhower another world war hero searched for a more palatable diplomatic and military policy, and a cheaper one. He and his advisors decided to ride the new H-bomb to the brink. Described as the New Look, this policy dramatically cut spending for the conventional military which might be used to pull the nation into a real war, and greatly increased the number of nuclear weapons. The plan was simple threaten the Soviets with nuclear annihilation if they stepped outside the genie s bottle. The press quickly dubbed the new plan as Massive Retaliation. The response was predictable. The Soviets soon successfully tested their own H-bombs, and the United States advantage was again compromised. The American military was now hostage to domestic politics bombs are less expensive than people and to Cold War containment. The military needed to be lean and diverse and prepared to be called, potentially, to any corner of the world to contain any seemingly Moscowdriven advance. In 1960, John Kennedy defeated Eisenhower s Vice President Nixon who had made his political name by chasing suspected communists from the confines of a Congressional committee in the late 1940s and early 1950s in the presidential election on the grounds he would end Massive Retaliation and the hysteria the Cold War had brought. His answer was what he called Flexible Response. This policy would build up conventional military forces to have options, rather than simply holding a nuclear dagger over Russia s head as the Eisenhower plan had. The military would need to retool and adjust again. The Department of Defense model of leadership served well to divide responsibility to be flexible so that all service branches had important duties and national security was maintained, though the nuclear weapons driven Air Force was still the top gun, so to speak. Though Kennedy s plan did offer flexibility, it did not cut back on potential nuclear weapons delivery. Instead, it increased it by continuing to build in redundant levels of nuclear weaponry. The military plan was now to have enough deliverable nuclear weapons dispersed around the nation and the world in several forms, whether in ground silos, on submarines, on aircraft, even on trains to survive an all-out Soviet nuclear attack and be able to deliver a deadly counterattack. The Soviet response? Of course, build more nukes. To which the American response was, build more nukes. (Please see the Table of Global Nuclear Weapons Stockpiles, , in the Suggested Readings to learn more.) The policy quickly came to be called MAD, which stood for Mutually Assured Destruction. Containment had morphed into insanity. The superpowers were aiming loaded guns at each other with fingers on triggers. The world was now officially over the brink and careening toward disaster. The United States and the USSR had implicitly agreed that as long as everyone lost, no one could win, and this was the safest way to proceed. The truly interesting point to be made here is that this madness worked. We are still here! As he left office in early 1961, President Eisenhower warned the American public in his Farewell Address about what he called the military-industrial complex. His fear was that a strong bond between industrial and technology concerns with lucrative government contracts for military supply might, if unchecked, seek to HY 2020, American Military History II 3
4 acquire unwarranted influence and that the potential for the disastrous rise of UNIT misplaced x STUDY power GUIDE exists and will persist (Eisenhower, 1961, para. 9). In other words, the decision to go to war Title may no longer come from issues of national security, but the profit margin of corporations that supply the military or the return on investments their shareholders were receiving. Thirty eight years later, Kennan confirmed this fear: Were the Soviet Union to sink tomorrow under the waters of the ocean, the American military-industrial establishment would have to go on, substantially unchanged, until some other adversary could be invented. Anything else would be an unacceptable shock to the American economy. (Kennan, 1997, p. 118) The question became, who is actually in charge of the American military mission? Eisenhower left office without mentioning to the incoming president about the building American presence in a place called Vietnam. The former French colony had, in 1954, been abandoned by the French, and fearing a communist incursion, Americans had worked to divide the nation, in the manner of Germany and Korea, at an international conference in Geneva. The United States had been buoying the southern half of Vietnam ever since. A collective security arrangement the Southeast Asia Treaty organization (SEATO) was instituted in 1954, and U.S. support and military advisors poured into the country. The thought in Washington was that containment had proven successful in Korea, and now in Vietnam. In other words, Eisenhower did not raise the issue of Vietnam with Mr. Kennedy because it was not an issue, and there were other places that were simply more important and potentially dangerous, like Cuba, Germany, Egypt, Iran, and Korea. The Cold War world was a very dangerous place to be for sure, and the military was constantly being pushed, pulled, and redesigned during its early years. But the questions to ask of the military in these days were simple ones, although the answers may not be. What impact did U.S. presidential decrees and doctrines have on military policy? What was the impact of technological advances pertaining to modern warfare on the role of the U.S. military? How did international agreements and associations impact the role of the American military? What would the ultimate impact of the military-industrial complex be? References Eisenhower, D. (1961, January 17). Farewell address. Retrieved from Kennan, G. (1997). At a century's ending: Reflections, New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company. Truman, H. S. (1947, March 12). The Truman doctrine: Harry S. Truman's presidential address to joint session of congress. Retrieved from Suggested Reading Please take a look at the resources below to learn more about the important documents that helped shape the Cold War. Eisenhower, D. D. (1961, January 17). Farewell address [Video file]. Retrieved from The Executive Secretary. (1950, April 12). A report to the National Security Council. Retrieved from Kennan, G. (1946, February 22). George Kennan s long telegram. Retrieved from Kennan, G. (1947, July). The sources of Soviet conduct. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved from HY 2020, American Military History II 4
5 Marshall, G. (1947, June 5). The Marshall plan speech by George Marshall at UNIT Harvard x STUDY university. GUIDE Retrieved from Title Nagdy, M., & Roser, M. (2016). Nuclear Weapons. Retrieved from The National Security Act of 1947, H.R. 80th Cong. (1947). Retrieved from Truman, H. S. (1947, March 12). The Truman doctrine: Harry S. Truman's presidential address to joint session of congress. Retrieved from Vyshinsky, A. (1947, September 18). Andrei Vyshinsky, Soviet spokesman, at the United Nations in response to the Truman Doctrine and Marshall Plan. Retrieved from HY 2020, American Military History II 5
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